KOSOVO ON-LINE
Topic:

KOSOVSKA MITROVICA:HOW TO REACH RECONCILATION



Authors:

Dr. Bajram Rexhepi
Oliver Ivanovic




Dr. Bajram Rexhepi

Kosovska Mitrovica is an industrial town, the second largest in Kosovo. According to official 1991 data, the town had 104,885 inhabitants, of whom 82,837 (or 78.98 percent) were Albanians, 9,482 Serbs (9.04 percent), 1,216 Montenegrins (1.16 percent), 5,205, Bosniaks (4.96 percent), 4,851 Roma (4.63 percent), and 1,294 (1.23 percent) Turks, Yugoslavs, and others.

The municipality includes 16 smaller settlements, of which Zvecan and Banjska have a Serb majority.

Over the past 11 years, the regime in Belgrade has made life difficult not only for the Albanians, but for the Serbs as well. It had destroyed all ties that existed between neighbors and committed the most heinous crimes. In the period after March 24, 1999, 495 people were killed and 506 listed as missing, of whom a smaller number are being held in prisons without trial. In the town 8,046 homes and 17 schools were burned to the ground, as were all religious buildings.

In a way, the regime let the local Serb population take the blame for all these crimes. With the arrival of NATO troops, the Serbs began to flee, aware of these crimes and afraid of uncontrolled retaliation. At this point the regime intervened again and prevented the inclusion of the Serbs in the public and political life of Kosovska Mitrovica so that it could "prove" its "justified" policies. The regime found exponents who soon became "leaders"; it supports them directly and controls them to maintain constant tension and prevents them from turning to Pristina, exercising their civil rights, and their inclusion in the joint UNMIK administration.

Under the pretext that they are threatened, the regime forces the Serbs to oppose UNMIK and KFOR. In doing so, it is directly assisted by certain irresponsible Albanian extremists. Every attack against ordinary citizens is directly backing this regime-sponsored scenario and undermines the determination to fight war criminals.

In addition to such goals, there are also other reasons, because the regime intends to use for its political purposes a good portion of the Trepca metal processing industrial complex. To this purpose in the 1992-1995 period the regime created the fictitious "Municipality of Zvecan," to oppose the destruction of post communist countries (USSR, Czechoslovakia, Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) following the 'Uti possidetis juris' principle, which consists of establishing administrative borders, their subsequent protection and strengthening, and, finally, their recognition as international borders.

The Municipal Council in Kosovska Mitrovica believes that the international factor should enhance security measures, particularly when non-Albanians are in question, and to explain both to the Belgrade regime and the Kosovo Albanians that this can non longer be a military issue.

Solutions should be sought in political, legal, and, particularly, economic measures. The rule of law should be enhanced and private property respected, all inhabitants should be allowed to return to their homes, and those who recently moved to Kosovska Mitrovica should return whence they came. The next stage should include greater investment and restarting Mitrovica's economy.

Having in view that the town's people are predominantly workers, tension could be reduced by creating new jobs and paying those people decent salaries so that they can gradually return to normal life. The sooner the Albanians understand contemporary trends and realize that it is in their interest to protect the Serbs, and the sooner the Serbs realize that their well-being lies in the direction of Pristina and cooperation with the international community, the faster life will return to normal in Kosovo, and consequently, in Kosovska Mitrovica as well.

(The author is president of the Municipal Council of Kosovska Mitrovica as well as mayor of the southern part of the divided town)









Oliver Ivanovic

For nine months Kosovska Mitrovica has been experiencing a permanent crisis and daily tensions. Since the arrival of the international peacekeeping forces conditions in the town have deteriorated substantially. Some 7,000 refugees came to the northern part of the town and still remain there. The population of the town is 12,000. Albanian extremists have been attempting to cleanse Serbs from this part of the province as well.

Over the past nine months 23 Serbs have been murdered, and 28 Serbs, one Muslim and two Roma have been kidnapped. Over 70 inhabitants of Mitrovica were injured in terrorist attacks. Serbs have been exiled from 34 villages of Vucitrn municipality. In the southern part of town there are only two Christian Orthodox priests with their families left. They live in a church, protected by French armored personnel carriers.

In the northern part of the town, however, in addition to the Serbs, there are also 2,000 Albanians.

The chief problem faced by the town is basic security, which KFOR and the international police failed to provide. The northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica is relatively safe, though there are constant threats from terrorist attacks and diversions. The Serbs in the villages of Gojbulja, Slatina, Banjska, Grace, Miroce, Priluzje, Banje and Suvo Grlo, however, live in a reservation. They can go from one village to another only if they are escorted by KFOR. They cannot work their fields, it is hard to deliver food and medicine to them, they have no power, no water, no telephone lines, and only elementary education is accessible to them. They live in constant fear and lack any perspective. The villagers of Slatina are under such pressure by Albanians that they are on the verge of giving up.

After the withdrawal of all state institutions of Serbia from the region, the Serbs in northern Kosovo were left on their own. The international peacekeeping forces have failed in demonstrating any willingness or capability of protecting them. The only thing they could do was organize themselves so as to protect their families and property. Only well-organized Serbs could force KFOR and UNMIK to protect them. This is exactly what has happened in Kosovska Mitrovica so far.

It is not easy to organize in such conditions where Albanian extremists have changed their uniforms but not their strength and goals, when Serbs are demonized and bashed on a daily basis by the news media and politicians alike, when one is without any economic assistance and lives in constant fear. The resistance of the Serbs is a desperate reaction to physical threats to their very survival. Well-aware that fleeing to economically destroyed and politically disunited Serbia would not solve their problems, they decided to stay and defend themselves, armed solely with their courage and intelligence.

The methods used to pressurize Serbs in this part of Kosovo have become more complex and devious. Constant threats by terrorists which maintain the insecurity of citizens at a constantly high level are coupled with political pressure by the international community. There are attempts to artificially equalize the guilt for each incident by even-handedly blaming both sides. The presence of Serb para-military forces is being invented, and it is being alleged that people working on behalf of the Serbian regime are causing all the trouble. These are only cheap attempts to disqualify an entire people, its leaders and its essential demands.

The international community does not want to face up to the fact that only Serbs are endangered in Kosovo, that only Serbs are the victims, that Serb property is being looted and that a process aimed at eradicating the Serb presence in the province, their home of long standing, is under way. The blame is thus being laid on the victims.

Such an attitude on the part of the international peacekeeping forces is aptly taken advantage of by Albanian extremists who are doing their best to present the international community with a fait accomplu -- a Kosovo without Serbs and the creation of an Albanian state on Serb soil. They are trying to apply the so-called Croatian scenario -- to exile all Serbs and to then initiate the process of their symbolic return, once they are incapacitated of organizing themselves. The only serious obstacle to such an outcome is Kosovska Mitrovica, and this is why the town is a slap in the face to Albanian terrorists and extremists.

The Serb community in Kosovska Mitrovica and northern Kosovo has demonstrated much good will for cooperation with the international peacekeeping forces and a high degree of tolerance. We are not provoking any incidents, we are not increasing tensions. But, the Serbs should not be expected to accept a devastating scenario demanding that they leave their homes and head towards even greater uncertainty. Our policy is a policy of survival, and this is the only program within which we are seeking solutions. Our survival poses no threat to anyone. The most important issue is to ensure safety and not deprive the Serbs of their rights. In a safe environment perspectives will be found easily and civilized communication would be established between different ethnic communities. Of course, we should not nurture the illusion that antagonisms will disappear overnight, that crimes will be forgotten, and that a great harmony will immediately begin. No one wields a magic wand of that kind, least of all the international community which acts in Kosovo in a biased manner and is subtly backing Albanian separatism and turning a deaf ear to the basic demands of the Serbs.

As a first step, conditions should be established to make possible the return of Serbs who fled in the face of Albanian terror. Once it does that, the international community can finally say it has begun to resolve the Kosovo crisis. To resolve the problem, the international community has to make a true diagnosis, and only then apply the proper cure.

1. The international community should establish what has indeed happened in Kosovo since the arrival of KFOR, and who and in what way endangers human rights in the province. Who and in what ways has committed crimes against the Serbs? Those who carried out and issued orders for crimes to be committed against Serbs should be discovered and brought to justice. This is the first step in ending the terror.

2. The international community should publicly say which ethnic community is threatened and make proposals as to how this community should be protected.

3. The best way to prevent further pressure and to resolve outstanding questions is to secure the return of exiled Serbs. It is our conviction that, after nine months, it is high time to prepare a comprehensive plan for the return of exiles. This plan should specify a timetable, responsibilities of organizations and individuals, physical protection of the designated areas and full supervision of the entire plan.

Once this plan is started, the Serbs will be convinced that the intentions of the international community are good and their integration into a new society in Kosovo -- a region enjoying broad autonomy within Serbia and Yugoslavia -- will be enhanced.

In a bid to earn a good mark for an obviously failed mission, international community representatives keep making rash and wrong moves. Their latest mistake is their plan to conduct a census prior to elections and insistence on the Serbs' participation in the Interim Administrative Council of Kosovo. In this way the Serb question would be eliminated from the agenda, because the current conditions, the continuation of ethnic cleansing and a purely Albanian Kosovo, would be made legitimate. This is why we will not enter the Interim Administrative Council of Kosovo, or accept the holding of a census or elections as long as the exiled Serbs are not safely back in their homes.

(The author is President of the executive board of the Serb National Counsil in Kosovska Mitrovica)