Kosovska Mitrovica is an industrial town, the second largest in
Kosovo. According to official 1991 data, the town had 104,885
inhabitants, of whom 82,837 (or 78.98 percent) were Albanians, 9,482
Serbs (9.04 percent), 1,216 Montenegrins (1.16 percent), 5,205,
Bosniaks (4.96 percent), 4,851 Roma (4.63 percent), and 1,294 (1.23
percent) Turks, Yugoslavs, and others.
The municipality includes 16 smaller settlements, of which Zvecan and
Banjska have a Serb majority.
Over the past 11 years, the regime in Belgrade has made life difficult
not only for the Albanians, but for the Serbs as well. It had
destroyed all ties that existed between neighbors and committed the
most heinous crimes. In the period after March 24, 1999, 495 people
were killed and 506 listed as missing, of whom a smaller number are
being held in prisons without trial. In the town 8,046 homes and 17
schools were burned to the ground, as were all religious buildings.
In a way, the regime let the local Serb population take the blame for
all these crimes. With the arrival of NATO troops, the Serbs began to
flee, aware of these crimes and afraid of uncontrolled retaliation. At
this point the regime intervened again and prevented the inclusion of
the Serbs in the public and political life of Kosovska Mitrovica so
that it could "prove" its "justified" policies. The regime found
exponents who soon became "leaders"; it supports them directly and
controls them to maintain constant tension and prevents them from
turning to Pristina, exercising their civil rights, and their
inclusion in the joint UNMIK administration.
Under the pretext that they are threatened, the regime forces the
Serbs to oppose UNMIK and KFOR. In doing so, it is directly assisted
by certain irresponsible Albanian extremists. Every attack against
ordinary citizens is directly backing this regime-sponsored scenario
and undermines the determination to fight war criminals.
In addition to such goals, there are also other reasons, because the
regime intends to use for its political purposes a good portion of the
Trepca metal processing industrial complex. To this purpose in the
1992-1995 period the regime created the fictitious "Municipality of
Zvecan," to oppose the destruction of post communist countries (USSR,
Czechoslovakia, Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia) following
the 'Uti possidetis juris' principle, which consists of establishing
administrative borders, their subsequent protection and strengthening,
and, finally, their recognition as international borders.
The Municipal Council in Kosovska Mitrovica believes that the
international factor should enhance security measures, particularly
when non-Albanians are in question, and to explain both to the
Belgrade regime and the Kosovo Albanians that this can non longer be a
military issue.
Solutions should be sought in political, legal, and, particularly,
economic measures. The rule of law should be enhanced and private
property respected, all inhabitants should be allowed to return to
their homes, and those who recently moved to Kosovska Mitrovica should
return whence they came. The next stage should include greater
investment and restarting Mitrovica's economy.
Having in view that the town's people are predominantly workers,
tension could be reduced by creating new jobs and paying those people
decent salaries so that they can gradually return to normal life. The
sooner the Albanians understand contemporary trends and realize that
it is in their interest to protect the Serbs, and the sooner the Serbs
realize that their well-being lies in the direction of Pristina and
cooperation with the international community, the faster life will
return to normal in Kosovo, and consequently, in Kosovska Mitrovica as
well.
(The author is president of the Municipal Council of Kosovska
Mitrovica as well as mayor of the southern part of the divided town)
Oliver Ivanovic
For nine months Kosovska Mitrovica has been experiencing a permanent
crisis and daily tensions. Since the arrival of the international
peacekeeping forces conditions in the town have deteriorated
substantially. Some 7,000 refugees came to the northern part of the
town and still remain there. The population of the town is 12,000.
Albanian extremists have been attempting to cleanse Serbs from this
part of the province as well.
Over the past nine months 23 Serbs have been murdered, and 28 Serbs,
one Muslim and two Roma have been kidnapped. Over 70 inhabitants of
Mitrovica were injured in terrorist attacks. Serbs have been exiled
from 34 villages of Vucitrn municipality. In the southern part of town
there are only two Christian Orthodox priests with their families
left. They live in a church, protected by French armored personnel
carriers.
In the northern part of the town, however, in addition to the Serbs,
there are also 2,000 Albanians.
The chief problem faced by the town is basic security, which KFOR and
the international police failed to provide. The northern part of
Kosovska Mitrovica is relatively safe, though there are constant
threats from terrorist attacks and diversions. The Serbs in the
villages of Gojbulja, Slatina, Banjska, Grace, Miroce, Priluzje, Banje
and Suvo Grlo, however, live in a reservation. They can go from one
village to another only if they are escorted by KFOR. They cannot work
their fields, it is hard to deliver food and medicine to them, they
have no power, no water, no telephone lines, and only elementary
education is accessible to them. They live in constant fear and lack
any perspective. The villagers of Slatina are under such pressure by
Albanians that they are on the verge of giving up.
After the withdrawal of all state institutions of Serbia from the
region, the Serbs in northern Kosovo were left on their own. The
international peacekeeping forces have failed in demonstrating any
willingness or capability of protecting them. The only thing they
could do was organize themselves so as to protect their families and
property. Only well-organized Serbs could force KFOR and UNMIK to
protect them. This is exactly what has happened in Kosovska Mitrovica
so far.
It is not easy to organize in such conditions where Albanian extremists
have changed their uniforms but not their strength and goals, when
Serbs are demonized and bashed on a daily basis by the news media and
politicians alike, when one is without any economic assistance and
lives in constant fear. The resistance of the Serbs is a desperate
reaction to physical threats to their very survival. Well-aware that
fleeing to economically destroyed and politically disunited Serbia
would not solve their problems, they decided to stay and defend
themselves, armed solely with their courage and intelligence.
The methods used to pressurize Serbs in this part of Kosovo have
become more complex and devious. Constant threats by terrorists which
maintain the insecurity of citizens at a constantly high level are
coupled with political pressure by the international community. There
are attempts to artificially equalize the guilt for each incident by
even-handedly blaming both sides. The presence of Serb para-military
forces is being invented, and it is being alleged that people working
on behalf of the Serbian regime are causing all the trouble. These are
only cheap attempts to disqualify an entire people, its leaders and
its essential demands.
The international community does not want to face up to the fact that
only Serbs are endangered in Kosovo, that only Serbs are the victims,
that Serb property is being looted and that a process aimed at
eradicating the Serb presence in the province, their home of long
standing, is under way. The blame is thus being laid on the victims.
Such an attitude on the part of the international peacekeeping forces
is aptly taken advantage of by Albanian extremists who are doing their
best to present the international community with a fait accomplu -- a
Kosovo without Serbs and the creation of an Albanian state on Serb
soil. They are trying to apply the so-called Croatian scenario -- to
exile all Serbs and to then initiate the process of their symbolic
return, once they are incapacitated of organizing themselves. The only
serious obstacle to such an outcome is Kosovska Mitrovica, and this is
why the town is a slap in the face to Albanian terrorists and
extremists.
The Serb community in Kosovska Mitrovica and northern Kosovo has
demonstrated much good will for cooperation with the international
peacekeeping forces and a high degree of tolerance. We are not
provoking any incidents, we are not increasing tensions. But, the
Serbs should not be expected to accept a devastating scenario
demanding that they leave their homes and head towards even greater
uncertainty. Our policy is a policy of survival, and this is the only
program within which we are seeking solutions. Our survival poses no
threat to anyone. The most important issue is to ensure safety and not
deprive the Serbs of their rights. In a safe environment perspectives
will be found easily and civilized communication would be established
between different ethnic communities. Of course, we should not nurture
the illusion that antagonisms will disappear overnight, that crimes
will be forgotten, and that a great harmony will immediately begin. No
one wields a magic wand of that kind, least of all the international
community which acts in Kosovo in a biased manner and is subtly
backing Albanian separatism and turning a deaf ear to the basic
demands of the Serbs.
As a first step, conditions should be established to make possible the
return of Serbs who fled in the face of Albanian terror. Once it does
that, the international community can finally say it has begun to
resolve the Kosovo crisis. To resolve the problem, the international
community has to make a true diagnosis, and only then apply the proper
cure.
1. The international community should establish what has indeed
happened in Kosovo since the arrival of KFOR, and who and in what way
endangers human rights in the province. Who and in what ways has
committed crimes against the Serbs? Those who carried out and issued
orders for crimes to be committed against Serbs should be discovered
and brought to justice. This is the first step in ending the terror.
2. The international community should publicly say which ethnic
community is threatened and make proposals as to how this community
should be protected.
3. The best way to prevent further pressure and to resolve outstanding
questions is to secure the return of exiled Serbs. It is our
conviction that, after nine months, it is high time to prepare a
comprehensive plan for the return of exiles. This plan should specify
a timetable, responsibilities of organizations and individuals,
physical protection of the designated areas and full supervision of
the entire plan.
Once this plan is started, the Serbs will be convinced that the
intentions of the international community are good and their
integration into a new society in Kosovo -- a region enjoying broad
autonomy within Serbia and Yugoslavia -- will be enhanced.
In a bid to earn a good mark for an obviously failed mission,
international community representatives keep making rash and wrong
moves. Their latest mistake is their plan to conduct a census prior to
elections and insistence on the Serbs' participation in the Interim
Administrative Council of Kosovo. In this way the Serb question would
be eliminated from the agenda, because the current conditions, the
continuation of ethnic cleansing and a purely Albanian Kosovo, would
be made legitimate. This is why we will not enter the Interim
Administrative Council of Kosovo, or accept the holding of a census or
elections as long as the exiled Serbs are not safely back in their
homes.
(The author is President of the executive board of the Serb National
Counsil in Kosovska Mitrovica)