Never in its more than thousand year-long history has the Serb people in Kosovo and Metohija been exposed to such violence and plight as it faced after June 12, 1999, when the first units of the international force entered that part of Serbia. This day marked the beginning of a combined, ethnic and spiritual genocide that the Serb people has never experienced is such a short time -- only two and a half months. What is even worse, this genocide is taking place in their legal and legitimate territory, their only homeland that in the terms of history, state, nation, politics, civilization, and morale, represents the most Serb part of their state of Serbia.

The arrival of the international force in Kosovo and Metohija which was approved by Yugoslavia and carried out under the fold of the United Nations, making it a U.N. peace-keeping force, has encouraged Albanian separatists and terrorists to such an extent that they immediately embarked on terrorizing and using violence against the Serbs, Montenegrins, and members of national minorities, even against their own fellow Albanians who do not share their views.

Spurred by the withdrawal of the Yugoslav army units and members of the Serbian Interior Ministry from Kosovo and Metohija and the arrival of international troops, in whom -- and especially in the forces coming from NATO countries headed by the U.S. -- they saw their protectors, Albanian separatists and terrorists began their pogroms and bloodbath, which after two and a half months left hundreds of Serbs, Montenegrins and other people murdered, wounded and abducted; over 200,000 exiled; dozens of churches and monasteries demolished and razed; enormous destruction, and all other crimes of the most monstrous kind that in the civilized world are but ugly memories of the past.

The international force, which has openly discredited the United Nations, is to blame for this, but also the United Nations itself, its Security Council and its members, because the U.N. has allowed itself to be compromised in such a fashion. However, the greatest shame lies in its betrayal of Yugoslavia, a country which as a disciplined member of the world organization, had accepted the U.N. Security Council resolution on Kosovo and Metohija and entrusted the safety of its citizens and their property in this part of its territory to the world organization and its peace-keeping forces.

The principled attitude, sincerity and fairness of Yugoslavia and its leadership, and most of all, Yugoslavia's desire and resoluteness to solve the problems in Kosovo and Metohija peacefully, have thus been violated in the most flagrant manner. The entire peace-loving world knows that these problems were and have remained an exclusive consequence of years of Albanian separatism and secessionism, and -- during the past two years -- of their militant arm, Albanian terrorism, and is aware of their purpose: the separation of the ancient Serb lands of Kosovo and Metohija from Serbia and their annexation to Albania, which is something no country in Europe or in the world would allow if it cares at all about its sovereignty.

In only three days, in the presence and before the very eyes of the heavily armed soldiers of the international force, the Albanian separatists and terrorists exiled from Metohija all Serbs and Montenegrins. And this was carried out by violence and terror unparalleled in history.

They demolished, razed or seized all their homes and apartments and looted all their property. Now, in this part of Serbia stretching from Prizren to Pec which is 150 km long and some 70 km wide, not a single Serb or Montenegrin is left. Except for the village of Gorazdevac, in Pec municipality, where some 900 Serbs still live, and the town of Orahovac, where some 3,000 Serbs, despite the presence of international forces in this municipality, have been under the cruel siege of Albanian separatists and terrorists for a full two and a half months.

In the presence and before the eyes of the international forces, the Serbs and Montenegrins have been exiled from all municipalities at the foot of Mt. Sara -- Kacanik, Urosevac, and Stimlje. Not one Serb soul has been left in this southern area of Kosovo stretching from Yugoslav-Macedonian border 50 km inland to the first Serb village in Lipljan municipality. There are only some 10,000 Serbs in Strpce municipality and about 1,000 Serbs exiled from Prizren who in this municipality at the very foot of Mt. Sara found refuge from the persecution by Albanian separatists and terrorists.

Also in the presence and before the eyes of international forces, Serbs and Montenegrins were exiled from the Drenica region and from the southern slopes of Mt. Mokra Gora, except for the villages of Banje and Suvo Grlo, where they are a constant target of Albanian criminals. The same fate was shared by the Serbs and Montenegrins in the Lab region and on the eastern slopes of Mt. Cicavica as far as the left bank of the Sitnica River.

Albanian separatists and terrorists native to Kosovo, together with their criminal and terrorist brethren from Albania and Macedonia, and together with the international forces, are spreading their violence and crimes to municipalities in northern Kosovo -- Kosovska Mitrovica, Zubin Potok, Zvecan and Leposavic, where some 50,000 Serbs and other peoples live, to the central part of the Kosovo Valley, at whose center lies Gracanica, and to Kosovo's Morava River region, where another 50,000 Serbs live. Their sole objective is to cleanse Kosovo and Metohija of everyone and everything that is not Albanian and thus attain their old dream of an "ethnically pure Kosovo."

That what earlier generations of Albanian separatists -- the Kachaks and the Balists, as their are known in Serbia -- failed to achieve during Ottoman rule, during the times of Austria-Hungary and Germany at the beginning of this century, and during Italian and German fascist occupation in 1941-1945, this third generation of separatists and terrorists in a single century, embodied in the so-called Kosovo Liberation Army, is trying to achieve with the assistance of international forces and under the flag of the United Nations.

In two and a half months, over 200,000 Serbs, Montenegrins, Roma, Turks and other non-Albanians were exiled from Kosovo and Metohija; over 200 were murdered, several hundred more wounded and almost 300 kidnapped, mostly Serbs and Montenegrins; more than 40,000 homes were looted, ruined, burnt to the ground, or seized, all of them with furniture and other belongings of their rightful owners -- Serbs, Montenegrins and other non-Albanians, mostly Roma; thousands of buildings and businesses owned either privately, or by the state were demolished, razed or seized; over 10,000 private and other vehicles were either stolen or forcibly taken, all belonging to Serbs, Montenegrins, or to the state; tens of thousands of cattle were stolen; over 60 churches and monasteries were desecrated, damaged, destroyed with explosives, or razed; hundreds of thousands of books from Serb and Montenegrin private libraries were destroyed, and many other misdeeds were committed, all of them ranking among the worst criminal offenses.

And this is only a part of today's portrait of Kosovo and Metohija, "painted" in only ten weeks with the "colors" of anarchy and violence composed of murders, rapes, massacre, abductions, burning of live people... At the same time, these are the results of two months of a "peace initiative" that serves to cover the manner in which NATO countries, spearheaded by the U.S., are bringing "peace," a mission that has become its very antithesis and has revealed the extent of the downfall of the world organization and its twilight. And finally, this is the position of the Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija today, this is the very picture of trust betrayed. This is an example of what an honest country and its leadership gets in return, and a warning to others that they should never easily place their trust in anyone, ever. For Yugoslavia, for Serbia, and for the Serbs it is yet another opportunity to demonstrate the unity of the leadership and the people, and all other relevant political forces in the country, which is shown every single day when Kosovo and Metohija are in question.

Therefore, our only message is that there are no pressures, regardless of their source, that can force the Serbs to give up even an inch of Kosovo and Metohija. This gruesome and sorrowful reality is but an episode in the long history of this part of Serbia, and is nothing new there. But it will end with the end of those who masterminded, gave birth and nurtured such episodes. This "Greater Albania" will share the fate of its predecessor -- the Greater Fascist Puppet-State of Albania, created in 1941 for the Kosovo Albanians by the guns of fascist Italy and fascist Germany: it will collapse with the demise of its creators and supporters.

(The author is a member of the Main Board of the Socialist Party of Serbia and Chairman of the Provincial Board of the Socialist Party of Serbia for Kosovo and Metohija.)

Belul Beqaj
The main political factors in Kosovo are obliged to do everything in their power to explain to the general population that the presence of other ethnic groups in the province is in their best interest, whereas non-Albanians have to understand that the more they dream of Belgrade the less room there will be for them in Kosovo

The above question may seem rather unreasonable to those who have themselves been victims of atrocities committed by the Serbs and their collaborators against their Albanian neighbors. But given the interests of their Albanian adversaries, this issue is of essential significance and requires to be addressed immediately. It is well known that the concern of the international community for Kosovo and its people was a matter of principle and in line with its own, primarily American, political principles.

The international community could no longer tolerate the lasting discrimination against ethnic Albanians and the 450 massacres committed by the Serbian regime. Because of horrible scenes that deeply touched all honest people throughout the world it decided to come to Kosovo and encourage individual and collective sovereignty there against the sovereignty of the Serbian state. KFOR did indeed arrived in Kosovo to protect all its citizens, but unfortunately, Serbs, Roma, and other ethnic minorities began to leave simultaneously with KFOR's arrival. And now it is only logical that all conscious citizens who personally witnessed the discrimination of the Serbian regime and all international community representatives raise that same question: how to remain a non-Albanian in Kosovo? But to fully understand all risks the Serbs, Roma, and members of other national communities in Kosovo are facing, one needs to know their attitude towards the activities of NATO, the Kosovo Liberation Army, and their Albanian neighbors.

To start with, though many Serbs deserted from the Serbian army, their mobilization, both in military and political terms, was considered successful by independent sources. The 450 massacres of ethnic Albanians were not committed only by members of Serb paramilitary units by but Serb regulars as well, among whom there were many Kosovo Serbs. There are many ethnic Albanians who can testify that among the perpetrators of such crimes and persecution they had recognized their Serb neighbors. Therefore it is only logical that those Serbs who participated in such misdeeds cannot see any future for themselves and their families in Kosovo, knowing well that what they did to Kosovo Albanians in the past may now well happen to them and their families.

Next, the Serbs followed the directions of the Serbian regime and continue to do so. Instead of accepting the Rambouillet agreement, they protested against it and were greatly pleased when it failed. They organized protest rallies in downtown Belgrade against NATO and in support of the "proper policies of Serbian President Slobodan Milosevic." The Serbian media never stopped to brand NATO the "aggressor and occupier." Ironically, the occupier and aggressor of yesterday has now become the guarantor of the freedom and human rights of the Serbs, Roma, and other ethnic minorities. Their systematic fear of NATO is deeply rooted, because the official Serbian policy still views NATO and KFOR as "aggressors and occupiers." This, coupled with the fact that to the Serbian regime Kosovo is more important than the Kosovo Serbs and democratization of Serbia indicates that the situation is not going to change soon.

In addition, all Serbs consider the Kosovo Liberation Army a "terrorist organization." Even demilitarized as it is, it is still a major factor in Kosovo. Its members abandoned their mountain strongholds and came down to Kosovo's towns and villages, emerging from obscurity to become the focus of attention. Though still not trusted by all, they played a key role in military policy, and now continue their struggle to establish trust and tolerance. This is why the Serbs, Roma, and other ethnic groups prefer to follow propaganda coming from Belgrade, rather then to face physical risk coming from their Albanian neighbors. It is probable that no Kosovo Serb involved in the war would feel good if he depended on NATO "occupiers" and KLA "terrorists." But the time when they enjoyed the support of the Serbian army is no more.

Furthermore, the presence of members of Serbian paramilitary troops and war criminals from the Kosovo war increases the number of incidents involving personal revenge. The fact that the Hague Tribunal is slow in indicting the perpetrators of 450 massacres in Kosovo has also contributed to this. Until war criminals such as Karadzic, Mladic, Sljivancanin, or Milosevic are not brought to justice, not even Serbs that were never involved in the criminal policies of the Serbian regime will be left in peace. If the Hague Tribunal were more efficient, those who decided to themselves punish criminals for their crimes would not have to do so.

Finally, it should be understood that the consequences of the war cannot be eliminated immediately, especially when the suffering of the Serbian army's direct victims is in question. The incidents and reasons for leaving Kosovo may well continue because the Serbs continue to hope to resolve their problems through Belgrade instead of with the Albanians and in Kosovo itself, and attempt to create their cantons and their own defense forces.

Their boycott of the Transitional Council and Interim Administration is of even greater importance. We are aware that there are Albanians who wish to show their "courage" now, and who were incapable of showing it before, during the clashes with Serbian paramilitary troops and the regular army. But the most important conclusion is that the future of the Serbs, Roma, Bosniaks, Turks, and all other non-Albanians will depend on their attitude towards the Albanians, NATO, and the KLA.

It is understandable, however, that establishing a new political awareness is no simple task after long-lasting discrimination and large-scale ethnic cleansing. But, because of that, key political factors in Kosovo are obliged to do everything in their power to explain to the general public that the presence of non-Albanians in Kosovo is in their best interest, whereas the non-Albanians, on their part, have to understand and remember that the more they dream of Belgrade the less room there will be for them in Kosovo. Their future depends on their cooperation and partnership with the Albanian majority.

(The author is a political analyst)