Topic:
THE STUDENTS AND KOSOVO
Authors:
Cedomir Jovanovic
Speaking personally, or on behalf of the club, I never acceptunilateral treatment of the Kosovo-Metohija issue. On the contrary, Istrive towards all forms of meetings with, what to me are, antipodesand people, through contacts which as a rule have been and remaindirect. I believe it not to be as great a degree of discouragement asthe belief that it is better to analyze than to accept the problem,even be it by way of conversation in the electronic media.
I believe that the precondition for any positive step forward inresolving the misfortunes plaguing this country, minimizing thehappiness of all of its citizens, is the positive identification ofthe problem, which would help us today relinquish to history theburden of the past, and at the same time allow quality selection ofpeople and ideas in keeping with civilization's democratic norms ofthe civil society.
Trying to find reason for such an approach, with their behavior todayboth sides dictate through their joint flight in to the differentlyexperienced past, while at the same time ignoring modern reforms.
Representatives of the Albanian political arena do so conceiving theirnational platform of the independence of Kosovo and Metohija, on theguaranteed rights provided in the constitution of the SocialistFederal Republic of Yugoslavia, that were taken from them on March 28,1989, with the adoption of the amendments to the Constitution of theRepublic of Serbia, with for me, through that a never acceptablesilent agreement with the communist state creating pattern and openinclination towards its reincarnation in the part defining the statusof the Albanians.
At the same time, some of my nations, offers as an excuse for thelopsided repression in reply to half a century of plight that was theresult of continuous incompatibility of the Serb with, on the otherside, complete parallelism between the Albanian and communistinterests in Kosovo and Metohija, which was inaugurated in 1945 (bypunishing tens of thousands of Serbs through banning them fromreturning to their homes from which they had fled during World War Twofrom the German occupation forces and their Albanian allies), and thenonly broadened to receive its final form in the Constitution of 1994.
Demonstrating the mentioned national stands through the insistence onthe conception of the almost thirty year old anti-civic partisansociety, representatives of the unified Albanian political scene onlyif compared to the Serbs, are de facto giving democratic legitimacy toa surpassed form of state, overseeing by doing so the nonsense oftheir own position, with which the struggle for a free society hasbeen downgraded to the communist understanding of autonomy.
On the other side, unprepared to face the consequences of their ownresponsibility, the patrons of the Serb political ideology, forced toabsorb all the wrong moves of an undemocratic regime which has treatedthe interests of the country and its people, even at the price ofabsolute national degradation in the eyes of the world, second only toits own survival, helplessly points out the road to dialog, while atthe same time pondering a project acceptable to the Albanians, whichis definitely the easier path than searching for the answer to thequestion "What do the Serbs want?"
The positions of the Serb and Albanian peoples, the joint readiness toaccept and devotion to the search for the third way, to me at thistime is explicitly represented by the relationship between theIndependent Union of Albanian Students on the one, and the StudentsPolitical Club on the other side.
In all the pondering, from the solution for an efficient electoralsystem and monitoring, through programs of correct economic reformsand general democratization of the society, the issue of abolishingthe remaining sanctions and re-joining the international community,the problem of Kosovo and Metohija has by itself taken priority,demanding solidification in contrast to the existing declaration.
Unsatisfied with the bastard concept of the federal-confederative setup of the state, which negates all existing theories and concepts ofthe modern state with the simultaneous negative stressing of nationaldifferences, we have devoted ourselves to reforms through redefiningSerbia in to a modern regional state, which among other things doesnot ignore the national singularities of its citizens, but on thecontrary, insists on their virtues.
It is because of that, that I never thought nor do I think today thatmy love for the people from which I descend is of a stronger intensityof the one that exists among the Albanian students. I am convincedthat the postulates on which the ideals of the Independent Union ofAlbanian Students is based, cannot find the arguments to object thevalidity of my stand.
Relations so based, it was with attention that I followed the work ofthe Independent Union of Albanian Students, wishing to recognize inthem the true new political force, which through a national democraticrebirth, whose natural incipient they should be, would decisivelyinsist on removing the existing policies.
Unlike we, who -- aware that the precondition of any serious change,the critical analysis of ourselves and our immediate environment --have made a positive evolutionary step, the Albanian students not havenot attempted to follow us, but have rather grasping the moment meltedin to national monolith, not for a single moment, even in principlefailing to raise the issue of responsibility and competence of theleaders of their ethnic community. On the contrary, they todayapproach the Kosovo-Metohija issue in the same manner, withoutattempting to bring something truly new to the political language ofthose older then they, something different from everything that hasbeen offered, analogous to the status of the intellectual leadershipthey deserve.
To our uncompromising defense of the right of each man to bedissatisfied with Serbia, and as its citizen, through democraticpeaceful means, including protest, seek one's satisfaction, theyreplied by turning their heads and avoiding even a declarativecondemnation of Albanian terrorism, which has not even avoided themembers of their own people.
For our efforts and support for their return to Pristina University,where students can only be classified as good, and as those notpassing exams, they retorted demanding the building be handed over totheir ethnic university, basing their rights on the concept of thepast quarter century, which by the way is longer than they are old.
To our opposition to all forms of extremism through forced forms ofdialog in contrast to the exclusiveness of national homogenization,they replied with the call for unity in the struggle for theindependence of all the parties of the Kosovo Albanians.
The recounted comparison, to me determines the Independent Union ofAlbanian Students as a segment of the wide spread national frontunburdened by democratic principles. Not for a single moment has thatfront even attempted to to master the technique of contra-inhibitionwith which the other "I"of slobodan Milosevic, Ibrahim Rugova and allwho accept him as the personification of their part of the Republic ofKosovo, avoid all forms of dialog which could force him to carry thetransposition from the narrow clan interest plane of the prism to theuniversal core of human nature, the national interest.
Therefore, I do not see the sense in expecting a solution from thepoliticians who brought us to this point, primarily because that wouldbe superseded by self awareness and democratic changes in the formalglobal stand.
In the version demonstrated by the current Serbian authorities, thereare only two pints open for any change -- the current position is theresult of the distinction between the demands of the situation andexisting potential within the regime, characterized by absolute andconstant impotence, while the other reason, ignoring the needs fordemocratic homogenization, which could be a good step on the road tochange, but for Slobodan Milosevic also the unacceptable also theunacceptable danger of participating in his authoritarian politicalbackwater.
On the other side the existing albanian nomenclature with theirbehavior so far of constantly exploiting all the bad moves of theSerbian authorities, does not even in the slightest indicate the needto start self-initiative to at least attempt to replace the adversityof stagnated democracy by offering the Serb people more than thecurrent dominant aspiration regarding regarding the Republic ofKosovo, with which very extremely much is expected.
The tragic environment is still disturbed by the open hand of thedemocratic Serbian masses, maybe even the last chance for the Serbsand Albanians to head for dialog instead of armed battle of theirsingle sidedness and aware of that I cannot understand the shortsighted ness with which just as their environment, the IndependentUnion of Albanian Students chooses the warmth of the pocket for theirhands.
(The author is the Chairman of the Students Political Club)
Albin Kurti
It was the student movement at Prisstina University that definitelytriggered the events. I would like to emphasize "definitely" becauseanalysis, elaboration and various calculations regarding thecircumstances, events and situation in Kosovo, take Oct. 1, 1997, asthe reference date: meaning that they all deal in circumstances,events, and situations before and after Oct. 1, 1997.
The student movement of Prisstina University is an event and a process.It is a way of life that articulates its very being through theprotest. It is no coincidence that the motto "Breathe with us!" hasbecome the motto of the entire protest.
The student movement was built on the suffering and sacrifices of itsvery substance: the students. Faced with its preoccupation, it ischaracterized by the readiness to sacrifice, the determination tocontinue down the road towards the fulfillment of goals, determinationthat is constantly coupled with the determination for avoidingviolence.
After the tragic events in Drenica, Decani and other parts of Kosovo,where the Serbian regime in a barbaric manner killed and massacredwomen and children, the Albanian students could not remain unmoved andon the sidelines. Among those massacred there had also been studentsof Prisstina University. They had participated in our peacefulprotests. Besides being students, we are also the citizens of theRepublic of Kosovo, and today, to students, the word freedom meansindependence, and the word peace means justice. The rhythm of theprotest initiated by our movement had been created, while the basicprinciple of the protest, "There is nothing to fear but fear itself,"had been overcome and ever since has been treated as second nature.
The students of Prisstina University are participating in theirprotests together with their professors and other employees of theuniversity. They have raised the movement to an institutional level,to the level of Prisstina University as an institution.
Prisstina University as the most important educational, scientific andcultural institution in Kosovo, was founded 28 years ago, in 1970. Itwas not created solely for the Albanians in Kosovo, but also for thosein Macedonia, Serbia and Montenegro. After 21 years of successfuloperation, the Albanian students and professors were forcefullyevicted from its facilities only because they were Albanians, and onlybecause they were learning in their mother tongue.
In 1991, as the result of a decision by the Government of the Republicof Kosovo, Prisstina University became the University of the Republicof Kosovo. With its own laws it became an autonomous institution inall aspects.
Even today, seven years later, Prisstina University continues tooperate in privately owned buildings, under extremely difficultconditions, remaining the target of attacks and repression of theSerbian regime. That regime finds the status quo to its advantage. Thesilence resulting from the status quo is not peace. More likely thannot it is the silence before the storm. The Serbian regime is actingthrough its proxies with the aim of stirring nationalist sentiments,then using its propaganda machine to create the impression that strongpolice forces are present in Kosovo for the sole purpose of defendingthe Serb population from the Albanians.
Regardless of this, the student movement of Prisstina University,founded and led by the Independent Student Union, neitherunderestimates not hates anyone. Above all, this movement is humaneand conscientious. It is not calling for the expulsion of the Serbstudents, regardless of the suffering and sacrifices of the Albanianstudents over the past seven years. In this manner, the studentmovement has not only hastened existing democratic processes, butrather it has also created new ones.
The Serbian regime, and not just the regime, but unfortunately a largesegment of the Serb population, has no basis in reality. There willcome a time when the Serbs will have to face the fact that 90 percentof the population in Kosovo is Albanian. If one looks at history, asit is seen by the Serbs, then the Albanians should rule the Balkans,because their ancestors, the Illyrians, were here more than 20centuries ago.
The few progressive forces in Serbia, among which without a doubt animportant place is taken by many student organizations, have littleroom to act. The opposition lacks a clear project for resolving theKosovo issue, or if it does have one, then it so no different than theone being offered by Milosevic's regime. The opposition continues itsefforts to raise its self-esteem, building patriotism throughpressure, violence and terror over the Albanian people in Kosovo.
Between 1974 and 1989 Kosovo enjoyed autonomy. Even then it (theautonomy) was under pressure of Serbian and Yugoslav repression.During those years Albanians were the most numerous among thepolitical prisoners. The Albanians were treated as second ratecitizens. (In the former Yugoslavia ) the Albanians were the onlypeople of non-Slav origin. They spoke a different language, theirtradition differed from any other in the former Yugoslavia. It waslogical that the only natural solution was (to create) a Republic ofKosovo, an independent and sovereign state, as seen in the results ofthe general referendum (among the Albanians) held in 1991. TodayKosovo has its own institutions, social and political order entrenchedin the Constitution of the Republic of Kosovo.
I will end this article in the same manner in which I started it, (bymentioning) the students. The students know how to protest not justagainst the establishment, but they also do so for no apparent reason,just because it is the in thing to do. However, when a studentmovement, such as this one at Prisstina University has a majestic aim,then this one becomes something completely different: it becomesunique among such movements, it becomes a process with its own welldefined position.
There is one more very important detail: the student movement is not,nor should it ever become a part of the system. If that were to happenthen there would be no movement, especially no student movement. Andeven if real results come out of the efforts of the studentmovement, even if it attains its goal, again it must not become a partof the system. But unfortunately, this is exactly what is happeningagain. As a friend of mine recently put it, quite correctly, it isthe nature of students to violate taboos, but not also to eliminatethem.
(The author is a member of the Independent Student Union of PrisstinaUniversity)
