Topic:
Religion and Kosovo
Authors:
Hieromonk Sava Janjic
As opposed to Bosnia and Herzegovina, where abuse of religion directly
or indirectly caused the escalation of inter-ethnic conflicts, the
religious communities in Kosovo and Metohija can play a much more
constructive role in achieving peace and making possible coexistence,
and thus preventing the existing conflict from acquiring religious
characteristics.
People of the Eastern Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and Islamic faiths
have been living in Kosovo and Metohija for several centuries, sharing
the tumultuous historic experiences that took place in this part of
the Balkans. These communities have played a very important role in
building and preserving the national and cultural identity of the
region's ethnic groups. Thus, for instance, the Serbian Orthodox
Church created and maintained the spiritual identity of the Serb
nation, especially during the hardships of Ottoman rule. Furthermore,
in Kosovo and Metohija there are over 1,300 Serb Orthodox churches and
monasteries of the greatest importance, along with other cultural and
historic monuments of extreme significance not only to the Serbs, but
also to the other peoples that live here, and to the world as a whole.
Unlike the conflict in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the Serb-Albanian
conflict in Kosovo and Metohija is primarily a clash between two
national ideologies, and not a clash of two peoples or religions.
Religion played a secondary role in the formation of contemporary
national consciousness, especially in the case of the Albanians, among
whom are members of all three major denominations. On the other hand,
the Eastern Orthodox Christian Church has never incited national
intolerance, but primarily limited itself to protecting Serb spiritual
tradition and culture. The Albanian and Serb Christians frequently
rebelled together against the Ottoman occupiers. Because of this and
despite all the antagonism and occasional exceptions, there has been a
relatively high degree of religious tolerance in the region.
Until recently, the Albanians, both Muslim and Roman Catholic,
frequently visited Orthodox holy places and large gatherings and
fairs. In addition, many Serbs and Albanians established strong
personal ties and visited each other on religious holidays.
Unfortunately, owing to increased ethnic tensions in the past several
years, all contacts have been reduced to a minimum. However, despite
the present grave conditions, representatives of religious communities
can now play a very important part in resolving the Kosovo problem and
establishing peace.
Activities of religious communities towards establishing peace and
advancing coexistence could develop in the following directions:
1. Despite all their religious differences, religious communities
ought to clearly demonstrate readiness to pursue a lasting peace based
on truth, justice, and respect of human rights. This goal can be
achieved only by developing cooperation, personal contacts, and
organizing symposiums and debates in the spirit of tolerance and
mutual respect for tradition and customs. Religious communities could
make an active and sincere contribution to building trust and
furthering coexistence.
2. Parallel with the official negotiating process, members of
religious communities, academicians, scientists, humanitarian
activists, crisis-solving experts, could, by way of unofficial
meetings, assist the negotiating process by proposing solutions as
well as contribute to the implementation of the agreements reached.
Religious communities should distance themselves from all forms of
ethnic extremism and religious intolerance, which requires refraining
from unbalanced statements, unfounded charges and referring to members
of other ethnic groups in a derogatory manner, as well as reducing
ethnic animosities by promoting peace and respect for one's fellow men.
3. It is essential to establish cooperation in the area of
humanitarian work, especially by creating conditions for the return of
refugees and other displaced people. The work of humanitarian
organizations and their free access to endangered areas should be
openly supported and direct cooperation with them established.
4. In no way should religious communities directly or indirectly
incite or justify any use of violence against innocent people, and
they should condemn every abuse or violation of basic human rights. In
doing so, appeals, official announcements of certain events, and
active efforts within their respective communities in fighting
violence would be of great assistance. It should be particularly
stressed that human life is the greatest gift of God, and that human
beings and their dignity should be respected as required by both
earthly and divine laws.
5. There should be intense activity against discrimination along
ethnic or religious lines. This could be achieved by increasing
humanitarian activities and making aid available to all in need of it,
regardless of nationality or faith, as well as by protecting
ethnic groups which are minorities in certain areas or are otherwise
endangered.
6. Special, strong appeals should be made against the destruction and
desecration of sacred places (mosques, churches and cemeteries) and
cultural monuments. To destroy that which has been preserved for
centuries is an act of ultimate barbarism. On the other hand, such
places should under no circumstances be used for military purposes.
7. In the area of humanitarian activities, acts of personal vengeance
and retaliation, together with the abduction of people and other forms
of illegal detention, should be particularly condemned. Strong appeals
should be launched against the unnecessary and deliberate destruction
of private property: the torching of houses and crops, and slaughter
of livestock, and at the same time all assistance available should be
offered for the renewal of areas ravaged by the clashes.
8. Religious communities should appeal to news media to prevent
provocative and biased reporting on the activities of religious
communities, as such reporting often fans the flames of inter-ethnic
hate and intolerance. Educational programs on electronic media should
not promote quasi-historic theories denying religious and cultural
identity to any ethnic group. Abusing and forging history for the sake
of political objectives is an injustice which seriously undermines
inter-ethnic and inter-religious relations.
9. Religious communities should demand normal contact with their
congregations. All attempts to jeopardize religious freedom should be
openly condemned and unobstructed activity of spiritual leaders and
institutions secured, as well as free access for believers to their
places of worship.
We, the representatives of the Serbian Orthodox Church, are ready and
willing to do everything possible to ensure that these principles are
respected and implemented in the spirit of peace and tolerance, and
thus create conditions for the restoration of trust. For example, the
fraternity of the Visoki Decani Monastery has appealed for peace and
a cessation of hostilities on a number of occasions. In addition, the
Monastery organized humanitarian aid not only for Serb refugees, but
for the Albanian population as well. This could help the monastery
bridge the gap between the Serbs and Albanians in the Decani region.
We are planning a more ambitious humanitarian project with the IOCC
and other humanitarian organizations, both at home and abroad, to
assist a greater number of displaced people on both sides.
With a rational and sober attitude, our Church -- and we hope this
applies to all other religious communities -- might become a key
factor in finding a peaceful resolution and establishing a modern,
democratic society in this region. Though deeply bound to their
tradition, religious communities must encourage all citizens of Kosovo
and Metohija to seek their common interest in the future and in the
integration of this part of the Balkans with Europe and the world.
Throughout this period, our bishop, Artemije, on many occasions has
pleaded with the government to start negotiations as soon as possible,
while representatives of our Church presented our peaceful platform in
many places, from Washington, to London, to Paris, having been met
everywhere with support for our peaceful and non-violent position. It
is our deep conviction that the problem of Kosovo and Metohija should
be perceived within the context of the wider problem of
democratization and human rights in the Balkans, instead of as a
local, territorial problem that should be resolved by force. Therefore
it is necessary that all citizens of the province actively contribute
to finding a solution, acceptable to all the people who live here.
This solution should also be in accordance with international charters
and law.
The Holy Scripture teaches us that one cannot love God without first
loving one's neighbor, and that we should treat other people in
the same way that we would like them to treat us. Guided
by these basic Christian principles, the Serbian Orthodox Church
sincerely believes that all people of good will in this region will
find enough strength and will to emerge from this nightmare of war and
intolerance, and seek to give an active contribution to
democratization and the improvement of everyday life, taking care to
preserve their spiritual tradition and cultural and historic heritage.
Or, in the words of Eleanor Roosevelt: "It is not enough to talk
about the peace. One must believe in it. And it is not enough to
believe in it. One must work at it."
(The author is a hieromonk in the Serb Orthodox Monastery of Visoki
Decani. )
Qemajl Morina
*For some Serb circles the conflict in Kosovo may even be a "Crusade,"
but for the Albanians it has an exclusively ethnic and national
character
There is no doubt that religion, as one of the most important
components of the spiritual life of every nation, was a key factor in
shaping the consciousness of the Albanian nation. Since Albanian
territories lie on a strategic crossroads, where the interests of the
East and West meet, during history they became the arena in which many
battles were waged and the different interests of the East and West
clashed. The result of these clashes, and of the political, military,
and religious dominance of one or another great power, is the fact
that in regard to faith, the Albanians belong to various
denominations.
This is why Albanians, wherever they live - be it in Albania
proper, or in their ethnic territories in Kosovo, Macedonia, or
Montenegro - are mostly Muslims, though there are also Roman Catholic
and Eastern Orthodox Christians. However, it has to be stressed that
the Albanian nation, though not strong in numbers and though divided
by two great religions and a number of religious rites, never
experienced a single religious clash in its long history. To the
contrary: it is renowned for its enormous religious tolerance, and for
respect shown towards religious monuments of other religious groups,
which have been preserved for generations.
This tolerance and generosity demonstrated by the Albanians was
probably initiated by their religious leaders, who properly understood
and preached religion as a mission of God which strives for equality
of people regardless of nationality, race, or creed. The Koran says:
"People! We have created you from a single man and a single woman and
made you into nations and tribes to differ one from another. The
noblest among you are the most devoted."
There is no doubt that after the Second World War, with the advent of
the communist system in Albania and in other places populated by the
Albanians, religious feelings began to weaken, primarily among young
people. For many, religion was but a formality that could be deduced
from names and surnames. However, even this was gradually eliminated
because traditional Albanian names were abandoned and instead of them
were adopted ideological or international names.
Maybe this introduction was necessary as a response to the question
posed by a number of media and which involves the role played by
religion in the ongoing Kosovo conflict. But, first of all, we have to
say that this conflict has a long history. It started in 1878, when
the Ottoman Empire was declining and when the first ethnic cleansing
of 600 Muslim villages in the region of Nis, Pirot, Vranje, Leskovac,
and other towns was carried out. At the time, Serbia and Montenegro
enjoyed the support of Russia, and even of Great Britain and France.
The Albanians realized they were threatened by their neighbors, and
consequently formed the Albanian League in Prizren to defend Albanian
territories from their neighbors' hegemonistic aspirations. But later,
at the London Conference in 1913, and the Versailles Conference in
1918, Albanian territories fell prey to the Great Powers, and the
greed of their neighbors.
The Albanians were disappointed by this injustice committed against
them by the Great Powers, and had never accepted it. Because of that
the present conflict between Albanians and Serbs should not be seen as
accidental. Certain changes took place in the territory of the former
Yugoslavia - several new states have been created along ethnic lines,
and it is entirely normal for the Albanians to choose their own path,
knowing that they differ from the Serbs in regard to nationality,
language, culture, and religion.
Therefore, when analyzing the role and influence played by religion in
the ongoing Albanian-Serb conflict, we come up with entirely opposed
results. On the one hand we have the Serbs, who always used religion
when they needed to mobilize their forces for any holy "Crusade" of
cleansing "Serb lands" of Muslims. But, this argument is used also to
mobilize the European and Western public for the defense of Christian
Europe from Islam, as Serb propaganda puts it, against the "Green
Belt" -- Turkey, Macedonia, Albania, Kosovo, Sandzak, and Bosnia and
Herzegovina.
There is no doubt that the main force that sets this propaganda in
motion in the Serbian Orthodox Church, with all its institutions.
Orthodox Churches in general -- the Serb, the Greek, the Romanian,
etc. -- as opposed to the Roman Catholic Church, are also national
churches, close to the national interests of their respective
countries.
Historic data provides the best evidence that the Serbs are engaged
in a religious war. Towards the end of the last century, for example,
Belgrade had 275 mosques, but they were all destroyed and there is
only one left standing in the city, and it is a frequent target of
attacks. During their horrible war in Bosnia, the Serbs destroyed
about 1,000 mosques, massacred tens of thousands of civilians, and
raped thousands of Muslim women.
Almost the same scenario is being repeated in Kosovo. Since the
revoking of Kosovo's autonomy, but even since earlier times, Serbia
waged a "Crusade" in Kosovo, pretending to "defend Europe from Islamic
invasion," because the majority of the Kosovo's population are
Muslims.
This propaganda of the Serbian Orthodox Church is frequently joined by
leaders of political parties, even the communists. The former
secretary of the Central Committee of the League of Communists of
Serbia, Milomir Minic, accuses the Albanians "of Islamic
fundamentalism because of their high birth rate."
On the other hand, in 1992, the former head of the Kosovo district
said at a meeting with a delegation of Russian parliamentarians: "In
Kosovo were are not only defending the Serbs, but primarily Eastern
Orthodox Christianity from the Albanian Islamic invasion."
Recently, the leader of the Serbian Renewal Movement, Vuk Draskovic,
said at a press conference that "the foundations of European
democratic principles cannot rest on the standards of Sharia - the
Muslim religious law - and that Europe cannot be joined by
constructing high walls around one's houses."
The "fear" of Albanian Islam is the main target of the Serbian
establishment and the Orthodox clergy. The loudest of all is the
bishop of Raska and Prizren, Artemije, as well as the bishop,
Lavrentije, who according to Nasa Borba, which, in turn, quoted the
Macvanske Novine newspaper, said: "Bishop Artemije might have been
right in proposing, with great pain, that we should give away a part
of Kosovo that we love the least to Albanians. Maybe this part of
Kosovo would become a challenge for Serbia's future, and the future of
all of Europe, because it will serve as an obstacle to the Islamic
thrust northward. If this is not done, I fear that the Albanians will
rather soon get as far as Sumadija, and even reach the gates of
Belgrade, because in only two decades they will be the most numerous
nation in Serbia. If ethnic Albanians served in the Yugoslav Army,
every third recruit would be Albanian, as would every third
representative in the Serbian Legislature," concluded Lavrentije.
While over 40 mosques were the target of the latest Serb offensive and
were completely destroyed, a number of imams were massacred, while
Shah Muhedin was killed in his tekhe (dervish school) in Orahovac,
together with all the civilians who took refuge there. Because of
this, as far as the Serb side is concerned, the conflict in Kosovo has
the character of a religious war, as all the signs point in that
direction. The Serbian Orthodox Church should be considered the
mastermind behind all these acts as long as it does not condemn them.
Unfortunately, the head of the Serbian Orthodox Church, Pavle, blessed
such criminals as Karadzic and Mladic, instead of distancing himself
from their misdeeds in Bosnia. As far as the other side in the
conflict is concerned, that is, the Albanian side, except for one
small minority, the conflict is exclusively ethnic and national.
Precisely because of that, the entire Albanian establishment is turned
towards Europe and the U.S., which hold the keys to the Kosovo problem
in their hands.
To show that they are close to the West, in 1991 the Albanians formed
the Democratic Christian Albanian Party, whose members are chiefly
Muslims. Ibrahim Rugova said once that he was "a symbolic Muslim."
During his frequent meetings with Western representatives, he also met
on several occasions with Pope John Paul II and keeps his portrait in
his office, and has never visited a single Muslim country.
All symbols of the Kosovo Liberation Army have only a national
character. And, finally, proof that the conflict in Kosovo for the
Albanians has only an ethnic character, is that it is seen by all
Albanians as a common resistance and a common struggle, regardless of
whether they are Muslims or Christians. The Serb army killed a number
of Christian Albanians and their villages and settlements have met the
same fate as those of their Muslim brothers.
The author is a lecturer at the Faculty of Islamic Culture in
Pristina)
